The book explores the possibility of a cross-cultural consensus on the issue being reached, but problems of sovereignty and nationalism are also discussed as potential obstacles to the Liberal Project's completion. This penetrating and insightful work will appeal to a wide range of scholars and students interested in liberalism and human rights from the fields of international relations, law, political theory and political philosophy. Get A Copy. Paperback , pages. More Details Original Title. Other Editions 7. Friend Reviews. To see what your friends thought of this book, please sign up.
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Sort order. Andrew Goddard added it Apr 08, Edmund Burke, David P. Fidler, and Jennifer M. Buchanan, Marx and justice: the radical critique of liberalism London: Methuen, Charvet and Kaczynska-Nay, liberal project , p. For a modern reinter-pretation from a communitarian perspective of the concept of nation and its moral implications, see David Miller, On nationality , Oxford political theory Oxford: Oxford University Press, Benedict R. Anderson, Imagined communities: reflections on the origin and spread of nationalism , Rev.
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London; New York: Verso, Immanuel Kant, Political writing , 2nd ed. The next section will refer to the revised edition.
See John Rawls, A theory of justice , Rev. Robert Nozick, Anarchy, state, and utopia Oxford: Blackwell, Alasdair C. Maclntyre, After virtue: a study in moral theory , 2nd ed. Especially Chapter MacIntyre, Whose justice? But it does mean that the United States is no longer in a position to create the rules and dominate the institutions of global governance and world order in the manner it had for much of the post—World War II period.
Dar es Salaam port in Tanzania. The Chinese government is funding the construction of Bagamoyo port to the north of Dar es Salaam, which will have twice the capacity and be the largest port in East Africa once completed. Photo credit: Rob Beechey via Flickr. It is wrong to say that globalization is over. Instead, in a multiplex world it will take, and is already taking, a different form. Globalization may become less driven by trade and more by developmental concerns. This might give more space to the initiatives of the emerging powers, which tend to focus more on infrastructure than on free trade.
Thus, the new globalization could well be led less by the West and more by the East, especially China and India, as it had been for a thousand years before European colonialism. On its own, China may not be able to lead globalization outright, but it has the potential to reshape it with initiatives like the One Belt, One Road strategy and the AIIB.
Moreover, the new globalization will be anchored more by South-South linkages rather than North-South ones. This is already happening: According to the United Nations Development Programme, the South has increased its share of global output from one third in to almost a half today, and it has increased its share of world merchandise trade from 25 percent in to 47 percent in Due to the prominence of China and other emerging powers, the new globalization might also be more respectful of sovereignty, especially compared to the Western-led globalization during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, which has been associated with colonialism and direct and indirect military intervention to secure Western economic and strategic interests a long list of examples would include the Suez and numerous interventions in Latin America.
This is not to say that emerging powers do not use force or violate sovereignty.
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With its growing overseas investments, China will be tempted to abandon its professed policy of noninterference and to use force or coercion in support of its economic and strategic goals. His policies on trade and security are undermining global institutions, such as the World Trade Organization and the United Nations, and disrupting climate change negotiations. In many ways, this may push the system of global governance to be even less U.
But here, too, as noted earlier, the post-war architecture of global governance was already moving in that direction. Global governance has already begun accommodating the growing roles of private bodies corporations, foundations, etc.
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And while the demand for global governance will remain, the architecture will continue to fragment and decenter, confirming the onset of the multiplex world. The maintenance of world order depends on regional orders. This would require creating new regional mechanisms and supporting those that already exist but are constrained by a lack of resources. While some liberal thinkers see regionalism not including the European Union as a threat to world order, there are many regional initiatives that, if recognized and stren gthened, could actually support world order.
Thus, it is more likely to complement rather than compete with the World Bank or Asian Development Bank. In a fragmented and pluralistic world, exploring local and regional initiatives in diverse issue areas that complement older but fragmenting global institutions could be one of the most promising ways to build world order in the twenty-first century.
Leadership-sharing between the Western powers and the emerging powers is more attainable than hard power-sharing. A world less dependent on U. It will still come together in crisis, as happened at the G summit after the global financial crisis, or to combat common perils, as happened with the Paris Agreement on climate change.
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Importantly, the agreement avoided the traditional Western legalistic sanction-based approach in favor of a softer, voluntaristic approach that is characteristic of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations. A multiplex world is a G-Plus world, featuring established and emerging powers, global and regional institutions and actors, states, social movements, corporations, private foundations, and various kinds of partnerships among them. There are several things that should be kept in mind by the international community in general and the Western nations in particular to help manage the transition to a multiplex world.
First, stop pining for the return of liberal hegemony, by which I mean the post—World War II world order created and dominated by the United States and centered around Western interests, values, and institutions. That order might have delivered much good as well as lots of bad to the world, and some of its institutions such as the UN system will continue, but the particular historical circumstances behind the rise of liberal hegemony are gone.
The global power shift is for real and here to stay. Second, unless and until the Trump administration radically changes course or is replaced, prepare to live without significant U. Under Trump, this support might come selectively and sparingly, but its absence should not deter international cooperation if other major players participate or offer support.
Third, the end of U. Demand for global governance has and will continue to be varied depending on the issue area. Such demand is driven by a mix of strategic, functional, and normative motives as well as a domestic political calculus. Some forms of international violence, such as interstate wars, are on a long-term decline. In , for example, only five countries—Afghanistan, Iraq, Nigeria, Pakistan, and Syria—accounted for 72 percent of deaths from terrorism worldwide.
Also notable, just four groups were responsible for 74 percent of all these deaths: the self-proclaimed Islamic State, Boko Haram, the Taliban, and al-Qaeda. Examples here might include the U. Further, as some have argued, the Libya case may have been partly responsible for the subsequent failure to intervene in Syria.
The Western Critique of Liberalism: Communitarianism
Estimates published by the International Institute for Strategic Studies found that out of the total , conflict-related fatalities worldwide in , Iraq and Syria accounted for nearly half. Fifth, give due credit to the contribution of non-Western actors to the marketplace of ideas for global cooperation. Latin American countries championed human rights before the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and had developed a tradition of regional norm and institution building before the EU was conceived.
The ideas of human development and human security were conceived by Pakistani economist Mahbub ul Haq, while the Responsibility to Protect concept was to a large extent an African contribution. Sixth, encourage pragmatic globalism in place of ideologically-charged liberal internationalism, a term that is deeply associated with Western hegemony and hypocrisy. History provides many examples of practical, non-ideological, issue-based cooperation among nations of diverse political composition to uphold international stability. Seventh, embrace G-Plus global governance.
The growing complexity of global governance is inevitable due to the proliferation of a variety of new actors and transnational issue areas. It is impossible for the state-centric bureaucratic institutions crafted in the s to cope with these changes. The ongoing fragmentation in global governance creates new opportunities for closer partnership between intergovernmental institutions, civil society, and the private sector.
Eighth, take regional powers and regionalism seriously. Regions are crucial sites for both conflict and cooperation.